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Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"杜鲁门主义中英对照

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Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"杜鲁门主义(中英对照)


1947年3月12日,杜鲁门总统在致国会的关于援助希腊和土耳其的咨文中,提出了以“遏制共产主义”作为国家政治意识形态和对外政策指导思想。这个咨文被称为“杜鲁门主义”。在咨文中他说明了援助希、土的直接原因是美国要接替英国、填补东地中海的真空;进而指出任何国家的人民革命运动和民族解放运动都“危害着国际和平的基础和美国的安全”,宣称世界已分为两个敌对的营垒,一边是“极权政体”,一边是“自由国家”,每个国家都面临着两种不同生活方式的抉择;因而宣布“美国的政策必须是支持那些正在抵抗武装的少数人或外来压力的征服企图的自由民族”,即美国要承担“自由世界”抗拒共产主义的使命,充当世界宪兵的角色。他还认为如果丧失希腊,就会立刻危及土耳其和整个中东,“影响不仅远及东方,而且远及西方”。这就是多米诺骨牌理论的早期说法。因此,他要求国会立即采取果断行动,向希腊和土耳其提供4亿美元的军事援助。1947年5月22日,杜鲁门正式签署《援助希、土法案》。 l947-1950年,美国援助希、土两国6.59亿美元。由美国出钱出枪,重新武装和改编希腊政府军队。1949年,在美军军官指挥下扑灭了希腊革命。杜鲁门主义是美国对外政策的重大转折点。当时它与马歇尔计划共同构成美国对外政策的基础,标志着美苏两国由战时的盟国变为战后的敌国,标志着美国政府第一次公开宣布将“冷战”作为国策。在此后25年内,杜鲁门主义一直支配着美国的对外政策。


  
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five percent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

Greek's [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $$400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $$350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $$341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 percent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive.

The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

delivered 12 March 1947 before a Joint Session of Congress


哈瑞.杜鲁门总统一九四七年三月十二日致国会的咨文

今天全世界面临的局势之严重,促使我不得不出席国会的两院联席会议。这里将谈到我国的外交政策和国家安全的问题。

我这想请你们考虑和决定现今情势中的一个局面,它是跟土耳其和希腊有关的。

美国业已接到希腊政府有关财政和经济援助的紧急要求……

今天希腊这个国家的生存,受到共产党领导的数千武装人员恐怖活动的威胁,他们在很多地点,特别是沿着希腊北部边境,对抗政府的管辖……

希腊如果要成为一个自立自尊的民主国家,必须要有援助。而美国必须给予这种援助。我们已经给予希腊某种救济和经援,可是还不够。民主希腊没有别的国家可以求助了。也没有别的国家愿意并能够为民主希腊政府提供所需要的支持……


希腊的邻邦 --土耳其,也值得我们关注。土耳其将来要成为一个独立的和经济上健全的国家,这一前途,对于全世界爱好自由的各民族来说,其重要性显然不亚于希腊的前途……

土耳其在战后,曾向英国和美国要求更多的财政援助,目的在推行维持它的国家完整所必需的现代化规划。土耳其的国家完整,对于中东秩序的维持,是必不可少的……

正如希腊的情形一样,如果土耳其要得到它所需的援助,就得由美国供给它。我们是能够提供那种援助的唯一国家……

美国外交政策的主要目标之一,就是要造成一种局势,俾使我们和其它国家都能塑造出一种免于威胁的生活方式。在对德国和日本作战中,这是一个基本问题。我们的胜利乃是战胜那些想把其意志和生活方式强加在别国头上的国家。

为了保障各国和平发展,不受威胁,美国力主建立联合国。联合国的建立,在于使它的所有会员国都能享有永久的自由和独立。除非我们愿意帮助各自由民族维护他们的自由制度和国家完整,对抗把极权政制强加于他们的那些侵略行动,否则我们将无从实现我们的各项目标。通过直接或间接的侵略强加在自由民族头上的极权政制,破坏了国际和平的基础,因而也破坏了美国的安全,这是显而易见的。

世界上许多国家的人民近来在违反其意愿的情况下,被迫接受极权政制。美国政府曾经屡次提出抗议,抗议在波兰、罗马尼亚和保加利亚使用压力和威胁,因为这违犯了雅尔塔协议。我还须指出,许多别的国家,也有相似的发展。

在世界历史的现阶段,几乎每一个民族都必须在两种生活方式之中选择其一。这种选择大都不是自由的选择。

一种生活方式是基于多数人的意志,其特点为自由制度,代议制政府,自由选举,个人自由之保障,言论与信仰之自由,免于政治压迫。

第二种生活方式基于强加予多数人头上的少数人意志。它所依靠的是恐怖和压迫,操纵下的报纸和广播,内定的选举和对个人自由之压制。

我相信,美国的政策必须是支持各自由民族,他们抵抗着企图征服他们的掌握武装的少数人或外来的压力。

我相信,我们必须帮助自由民族通过他们自己的方式来安排自己的命运。

我相信,我们的帮助主要是通过经济和财政的支持,这对于经济安定和有秩序的政治进程来说,是必要的。

世界不是静止的,而现状也不是神圣不可侵犯的。可是我们不能听任用诸如胁迫一类方法,或政治渗透一类诡计,违反联合国宪章来改变现状。美国帮助自由和独立的民族去维护他们的自由,将有助于联合国宪章的原则发挥作用。

我们只须看着地图,就明白希腊这个国家的生存和完整,从范围远为广大的局面看来,是非常重要的。如果希腊陷于掌握武装的少数人控制下,对它的邻国土耳其,就会有直接和严重的影响。混乱和骚动就可能遍布整个中东。

况且,欧洲有些国家的人民,一方面在治疗战时的疮痍,一方面排除万难,努力奋斗,维护他们的自由和独立,如果独立的希腊一旦消灭,对这些国家也会有严重的影响。

如果这些在非常不利的情势下奋斗已久的国家,居然失去他们为之付出重大感性的胜利成果,那真是难以言喻的悲剧。自由制度的崩溃和独立的丧失,不仅对于他们,而且对于全世界,都是一场灾难。那些正在竭力维护自由和独立的毗邻民族,很快就会为之气馁,还可能陷于失败。

如果我们在这个关系重大的时期不去帮助希腊和土耳其,其影响不仅殃及西方,而且远及东方。我们必须采取立即的和果断的行动……

极权政制的种子,是靠悲惨和匮乏滋养发育的。它们在贫穷和动乱的灾难土地上蔓延滋长。当一个民族对于较好生活的希望绝灭之后,这类种子便会长大成株。我们一定要使那种希望存在下去。全世界的自由人民期待我们支持他们维护自由。

如果我们在起领导作用方面迟疑不决,我们可能危及世界和平--而且一定会危及本国的繁荣昌盛。……

注:中文翻译不完整。

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